In the Battle of Hydaspes (326 BC) Alexander III of Macedon (Alexander the Great) was helped by Taxiles (Ambi kumar The king of Taxila) against another Indian king Porus of Paurava kingdom. Which leeds to the win of Greeks against Indians, Perhaps it was the first example of complacency Hindu foreign policy.
In the Second Battle of Tarain (1192 AD) Mu’izz –Ad- Din-Muhammad Ghori gets help from Raja Jaichand against Last hindu king of Delhi Prithviraj Chauhan. The win of Ghori laid the foundation of Islam in india. Jaichand may dose this as a gesture of personal enmity, but in doing so, he was ignoring the larger interests of the Indian. In the battle of Haldighati (1576) Raja Man singh represents Mugals against Maharana Pratap.
And last but at least Gandhi’s disagreement with Subhash Chandra Bose at the end of British rule; affect the Destiny of India with the Tryst of history!
After the independence we inherited the same pattern in our foreign policy. Still today the personal attachments, family relations played a vital role in our Foreign policy. n some cases, it will play a positive role, but its far-reaching effects will certainly be considered negative. A country, where brother is ready to take the lead against brother for the sake of personal interests, is still unable to understand the concept of realism in the field of foreign policy.
In case of Indo Bangladesh relation the relation of Gandhi family with Sheikh Family played a vital role, but it became a cause of anger for BNP (Bangladesh Nationalist Party) and Jamat of Bangladesh. Because of this when they (BNP) come to power, they have an anti-India attitude.
We have not established our relationship with Israel for a long time, considering the sentiments of the country’s Muslim citizens and the relations with the Arab world.
Thinking of the Tamils, we once helped Velupillai Prabhakaran, but in a stage of indecisiveness we were bound to send peacekeepers to Sri Lanka. Yet the DMK( a Tamil political party in India , often speak out against Sri Lanka) opposes the training of the Sri Lankan Air Force or Army on Indian soil, not realizing that if China does it instead of India, it would be against India’s best interests .
As a student of international relations, I can say on the basis of India’s foreign policy as far as I understand that India in the international politics of Darwinism followed a stagnant and immature foreign policy. During the starting of Modi era or BJP party system in India, the Indian subcontinent of South Asia was full of democracy. Democracy was established in every country in the region. I know that Narendra Modi does not know anything about economics and foreign policy; It is not possible for a human being to be proficient in all matters. But In the eyes of this politically savvy man, undemocratic atmosphere has been created in one country after another in the Indian subcontinent with the help of China, and India has not been able to do much in this regard. The perfection of the state interest and the enemy of my enemy is my friend- these two arguments, as long as we are incorporated in our foreign policy, our foreign policy will not succeed.
Decades of friendly relations between Pakistan and the United States have had an impact on Indian foreign policy. At present, the friendly relations between Pakistan and China have had an impact on Indian foreign policy. The fact that Tibet falls under the full sovereignty of China, has been acknowledged not once but twice by the two Indian Prime Ministers Jawaharlal Nehru(Indian National Congress) and Atal Bihari Vajpayee (BJP) through two separate agreements- in 1954 and in 2003 respectively. But still today we allow Tibetans to run an exile government at Dharamshala, Himachal Pradesh. Which elucidate two different notions of foreign policy in our mind? In this book, I have criticized this type of ‘ Going with Two boats’ foreign policy.
Even after becoming a nuclear power, our nuclear Doctrine has not created any fear in the chests of the neighboring enemy countries. In this book, I have tried to highlight the impact of such an ineffective nuclear policy on our foreign policy. Historically, India’s foreign policy has made suicidal decisions by denying the reality and following the path of one ideology. At present, China is trying to encircle India through its string of pearls policy, but India is not knowingly taking any positive steps. When Pakistan and China join hands for the construction of CPEC (China-Pakistan Economic Corridor) over Gilgit-Baltistan, which is a De-jure territory of India, India restricts itself only through diplomatic statements.
After the 2017 Doklam stand-off, a new political party called Druk Nyamrup Tshogpa was born in Bhutan under the leadership of Lotay Tshering. As a local researcher, I personally saw that they came to power in 2018 at a huge cost to the election, And then during the COVID crisis, China occupied some of Bhutan’s land near the Siliguri corridor of India. All this happened in front of India’s eyes but India has not reacted much. When India’s neighbors, especially the Maldives, fall into the debt trap of China when the geostrategic port of Hambantota in Sri Lanka is taken over by China- earlier which was offered to India for development when China takes a positive role in Bangladesh’s Chittagong port development, when China starts operating SIGNET from Coco Island in Myanmar And Bhutan is not opposed to Chinese aggression, all of this happened due to the inefficiency of Indian Foreign policy.
India’s less interest for militarizing of the QUARD group, live in the Hangover of Russian friendship, and above all the unending believe on non-alignment policy are some key faults of Indian foreign policy , hare I have tried to define these mistakes as Hindu Foreign Policy for this historical platonic notions.
The present world is going to be divided on the basis of Democracy versus Despotism and yet if India does not think about its own future, only God will be responsible for India’s future. We have a lot to learn from the EU that we are not yet learning. For example, if there is an embassy in a member country of the European Union – say ‘Denmark’ does not have an embassy in any of the countries (say in Djibouti). However, due to EU membership, Danish citizens will receive consular protection and assistance from the other embassies of EU member countries (such as French, Italy, German embassies in Djibouti).
Similarly, India can expand its diplomatic network by entering into agreements with QUAD countries. We can use our diplomatic networks for very close friendly countries like Bhutan and Vietnam.
As a result, in addition to facilitating operations abroad, it will be possible to expand the diplomatic networks globally and in increasing of consular protection and assistance. I don’t know why New Delhi’s South Block doesn’t think much in this regard. This book is written to highlight these things.
Besides this as a Ph.D. scholar when I met with some Bhutanese ex-parliamentarians in 2019, I was gaining some strategic and tactical information regarding the upcoming geopolitical change in the Sino-India relations; I have tried to reveal those secrets, in this book under the darkness of the ‘sino-Pakistan axis’. I have tried to explain how the 1962’s wound, the amalgamation of the String of Pearls Theory and with the Belt and Road Initiative, and finally the recent Galvan Valley Incident highlighted the lack of information in the Indian foreign policy drive! Although I am not an intellectual, I have dared to reveal the truth for the betterment of India’s future geostrategic transit. It was also appropriate to give thanks to my guide Prof. Dr. Kartik Das for giving me courage, and last but at least I thank my publisher for Highlight it, to all through this book.
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